Showing posts with label Palestinians. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Palestinians. Show all posts

Thursday, October 31, 2013

Our private game...



حن الفلسطينيون والاسرائيليون وجدنا لنبقى, ولن نتعب من وجودنا في فلم الرعب المستمر. نحن نحبه, انه ممتع, اعني, تخيلو ان يكون شرق اوسط يعمه السلام؟ لن اكون ممتعا, نحن نحب السير في الجنازات. نحن شعب اجتماعي, ماذا يمكنكم ان تفعلوا؟ نحن نعشق ان نكون ضحايا. ومن ثم نلعب لعبة من هو الاكثر ضحية؟ هل تعلمون ذلك؟ اه بربكم.. طبعا تعلمون...كلنا نعلم.. نحن ايضانحب لعبة الفتوة, ولكن نحب اكثر لعبة من هو لاكثر ضحية. احيانا اشعر اننا مجرد منايك مدمنين. يمكن, هذا كل ما نعرفه.. هذه ثقافتنا..اصبحت هويتنا... الناس اصبحت خائفة من الخروج من هذه الحقيقة..اذا فعلنا, من نكون عندها؟


We, Palestinian and Israelis, are here to stay. And we shall never get tired of being in this terror movie. We like it! Its exciting! I mean... Imagine a peaceful Middle East? I would just not be fun. We love to go to funerals. We are social people, what can you do? We adore to be victimized. Then we can play the game of "Who is more Victimized?" Do you know it? Oh come on... course you do. We all do! 
We also like the "Bullie" game. But we like more the "Who is more victim" game. Sometimes I think we are just plain f*** addicts. But may be... may be... it is all we know... is our culture... became our "identity"... People are afraid of getting out of this configuration! If we do... who are we
????


The Holy Land: a year in the West Bank. Documentary

Palestinian Refugees, the dirty game of the Arab Nations.




BEIRUT: In the history of the Palestinian rights struggle in Lebanon, Aug. 17, 2010, was supposed to mark a turning point. Issued on that date, Law 129 amended Article 59 of the Labor Law and thus revoked two major obstacles to Palestinians in Lebanon accessing employment, namely the work permit fee and the reciprocity condition (Palestinians here can’t be treated like Lebanese working in Palestine, because there is no Palestinian state).

But almost three years later, these revisions remain unimplemented, and with the unfolding implications of the Syrian conflict in Lebanon many Palestinian rights advocates now say neither the political nor social climate is favorable to progress on the issue.

The two main Palestinian rights campaigns – to secure the right to work and restore the right to property ownership, reneged in 2001 – remain active, with advocacy groups continuing to hold meetings and events, but the expectations are low that they will bear fruit any time soon.

“I feel that because of the bad situation in Lebanon and in the region ... everything is frozen, not only concerning Palestinians in Lebanon, but concerning everything. ... Even the [parliamentary] election was postponed because of the security issue and because of the political tension,” said Khaldoun Sharif, the chairman of the Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee, in evaluating the current status of the rights campaign.

While the LPDC remains involved in several rights campaigns, in coordination with the International Labor Organization and the Committee for Employment of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, communications officer Lina Hamdan admits its focus has been elsewhere of late.

“Although the workshops and meetings are ongoing, the influx of Palestinian refugees coming from Syria ... imposed urgent needs that have to be tackled to deal with the social complications, security and humanitarian problems,” she said.

But Mennatallah Omar, advocacy coordinator with Najdeh, a Lebanese non-governmental organization that has worked with the Palestinian community since 1976, posits that even though the government showed an interest in Palestinian refugee rights when it amended the Labor Law in 2010, it is now using the present tensions in the country to avoid the issue.

“The government doesn’t express the needed interest under the pretext that the government has a lot of problems to solve concerning the security situation and the internal problems, she told The Daily Star.

“As for the advocacy campaigns, the government considered that the priority is actually the Syrian crisis and the refugees coming from Syria, and so this is not the time to talk about Palestinian refugee rights,” Omar added.

According to the United Nations, more than half a million Syrian refugees and some 57,000 Palestinians from Syria, have flooded across Lebanon’s border. Meanwhile the involvement of various Lebanese factions on opposite sides of the civil war next door has manifested itself in increasingly regular security incidents on Lebanese territory.

Omar also noted that the arrival of Palestinians from Syria may prove a setback to the rights campaign because, fearful of increasing numbers of Palestinians remaining permanently in Lebanon, some members of the government are afraid to approve rights for Palestinian refugees.

The contention that the present security circumstances offer a convenient excuse rather than a sincere explanation for putting work on Palestinian rights on the long finger is also supported by remarks from American University of Beirut professor, Sawsan Abdulrahim.

Abdulrahim, who is professor in the department of health promotion and community health, has conducted research inside Lebanon’s Palestinian refugee camps and has previously spoken in public on the rights campaign. She describes the present political environment as “very hostile” toward the issue.

“The political moment is not very conducive to advocacy on this front,” she said, explaining that since the appointment of Salim Jreissati as labor minister in February last year “achievements on the right to work for Palestinians in Lebanon have been put on hold.”

The amendments to the labor law, although signed by Jreissati’s predecessor Charbel Nahhas, have not been implemented, she said.

Omar is also clear that progress has been made on actualizing the 2010 changes: “After [the] 2010 amendments to the Labor Law, the Lebanese government hasn’t issued ... any ministerial decree to execute these amendments.”

Today Palestinians remain barred from working in dozens of syndicated professions, which are permitted to stipulate that membership only be granted to Lebanese citizens or under the reciprocity principle whereby foreigners are only allowed to work if their home country grants Lebanese the same right. Also, despite having lived in the country for six-and-a-half decades, Palestinians are still treated as foreigners when it comes to obtaining a work permit.

Omar notes just two small advances on Palestinian access to work since 2010: Last year the Lebanese Order of Nurses agreed to admit Palestinians, once they had a work permit from the Labor Ministry and a permit to practice issued by the Health Ministry, and earlier this year Jreissati signed a decision exempting Palestinians from the medical tests and insurance policy usually required before a work permit is issued.

But these fall a long way short of the campaign’s objectives: the abolition of the work permit for Palestinians, and the enrollment of Palestinians in professional associations.

Yet, although Omar emphasizes that Palestinians today are “more interested and more active in the different campaigns,” in these trying times the securing of human rights appears to have tumbled down the refugees’ list of priorities.

As Palestinians from Syria flock to already overcrowded and underserviced refugee camps in Lebanon, more basic concerns have risen to the top of the pile.

“I don’t believe people are concentrating on rights now; they are concentrating on basics: water, food, etc.,” Sharif said.

Likewise, Abdulrahim said, “The crisis mode of dealing with the Syrian situation has put the right to work and the right to property ownership campaigns on the back burner. Currently everyone is more concerned about water, food and immunization rather than economic rights.”

Omar also notes that since the arrival of families from Syria the economic and social situation in the camps has become more difficult.

UNRWA, the United Nations agency under whose remit the provision of services to Palestinian refugees falls, was suffering a funding shortage even prior to the Syria crisis, and now finds itself under increased pressure as it struggles to meet the additional needs of new arrivals from Syria.

Indeed, UNRWA has met with increased hostility from the population it services in Lebanon, something the LPDC’s Sharif acknowledges. “Now Palestinians are protesting against UNRWA,” he said.

This dissatisfaction was immediately apparent when The Daily Star raised the issue of the rights campaign with one resident of Burj al-Barajneh camp.

“We are forgotten by UNRWA because of Syria,” she said.

“Everyone has rights in the country except the Palestinians.”

Omar was critical of the UNRWA on rights issue. “UNRWA is not doing enough on the right to work or other economic, social and civil rights,” she said.

When contacted for comment on the current status of the rights campaign in light of the Syria crisis, UNRWA’s public information officer Hoda Samra told The Daily Star she had “no public statement to make regarding this particular issue.”

However, the LPDC’s Sharif expressed sympathy for the position the U.N. body finds itself in.

UNRWA is “doing its best,” he said, explaining that the body was caught between the demands of its donors, the host country Lebanon and the refugees living inside the camps.

Likewise, while the rights campaign is not perhaps independently topping the agenda at the LPDC, Sharif was adamant that his body was working hard at present toward the creation of a “national policy” on Palestinian refugees, one which would address, in addition to rights, the issues of the refugee camps, disarmament and Palestinians without identification papers.

Meanwhile, at Najdeh work on the rights campaign continues unabated. “We consider it’s always the right time to claim our rights,” Omar said.

(The Daily Star :: Lebanon News :: http://www.dailystar.com.lb)

Friday, September 27, 2013

Understanding the symbolic meaning of The atfal al-hijara (“children of the stones”) in the Palestinian culture.






As every Friday in Palestine,  many young people including boys and girls, get together, into what became part of their weekly activities. Always the confrontations with the IDF bring all kinds of trouble. People argue easily that the effect or attainments of these confrontations bring nothing positive onto the Palestinian people, that children get hurt, that it ends up in arrests, that they will never ever be able to defeat the soldiers, because for them all those kids are just like mosquitoes. People wonder -specially jewish mothers, wonder- where are those irresponsible families, that allow this to happen? Why are these kids not playing football instead of being fighting soldiers? But this is just missing the point. It is peculiar how in Israel, Palestinian symbology is highly disregarded,  and together with this, they miss the point not only about these actions but anything else regarding their neighbours.




The atfal al-hijara (“children of the stones”) are a strong part of the Palestinian national symbology and of tremendous importance. 
The emergence of these children relates to the first Intifada. It was during this time that they reached the mythical status of national signifier. It sets in motion an upheaval of traditional distinctions between the young and old in Palestinian society. It sparked then an internal debate over just how the ideals of struggle and sacrifice should be acted upon. These children belonged to a third generation of Palestinians born and raised under Israeli occupation: the "jil al-intifada" , the intifada generation, composed by teenagers and children (some as young as five-years-old), who confronted Israeli soldiers openly despite the imbalance of power. While some cautious voices warned that Palestinian youth might lose respect for their elders as a result of the phenomenon, the changing political realities were largely embraced by the general population. Patriotic songs and poems glorifying the atfal al-hijara were widely produced. They embodied the spirt that had “shattered the barrier of fear” between Palestinian and Israeli soldiers. Yet, the practical benefits of the atfal al-hijara for the Palestinian national movement were minimal at best and simply resulted in Israel’s notoriously brutal crackdown. The objectives are of defiance alone and not serious confrontation, let alone national liberation. In short, the singular act of throwing stones matters little in any practical sense; like the fallah demonstrating sumud and the feda'i sacrificing himself in battle, the symbolic power of the atfal al-hijara and the potential sacrifice involved is a pregnated national symbol that nourishes an identity.



Monday, September 23, 2013

Tuesday, September 3, 2013

"Survival" mode.




Were these shoes belonging to a Jewish refugee or to a Palestinian refugee? A huge problem in the Middle East is that people operate in "SURVIVAL MODE". And when that mode is "on" you can even turn against your own people. That is a horrid lesson we learn from history. Jewish turned against Arabs, Arabs turned against Jewish and also turned against Arabs... as much as Jewish tunred against Jewish during times of massacres. Don't underestimate the power of "SURVIVAL MODE". Because even though life can be full of heroism... it is also full of plain instinct... When you look back, remember this. But there is also a moment when you are "more safe". Those are the times of repairing... If violence put people back into "survival mode", repairing will be delayed. People need to feel safe in order to be able to move forward. Understand this! on both sides...!